Saturday, May 5, 2012


La Mordida

How the Supreme Court Lost Its Moral Authority With Latinos

by RODOLFO ACUÑA
Direct forms of political control are easy to figure out. For a time, laws and police agencies can keep things together. However, most institutions and societies depend on social control to deceive people into thinking that they live in a democracy. They use processes that socialize them into believing that those in control have moral authority.
Belief systems exert a greater control on behavior than laws. For example, religion maintains control through laws. Nevertheless, institutions such as the Catholic Church maintain control more through their moral authority than their laws. A society does not stay together for a long period of time through the use of coercive powers alone.
Historical events such as the Black Plague in the first part of the 14thCentury shook the Church’s moral authority and two centuries later the Protestant Revolt ended the hegemony of Catholicism in Europe. No one can predict what effect the Church’s pedophile scandal will have. One thing for sure is that the scandal has reduced the moral authority of the Church Fathers and their interpretation of what god wants.
In the similar vein, government has suffered a loss of moral authority. This is good and bad; one thing is for sure it is leading to a divided society. Although the number of southern states passing anti-immigrant laws has grown to over a half dozen and they are flushed with emotion, it must be remembered that California and New York alone dwarf the population numbers and wealth of the red states.
Much has been written about the growth of the Latino population and its voting power. But truth be told, Latinos are growing increasingly disaffected with government and most are cynical about its fairness.
The institution that has taken the hardest hit in the past dozen years is the Supreme Court.
To put things in perspective: when I was growing up we understood that Mexico had problems, which was obvious because we were here. My relatives talked about the political and moral corruption of the Mexican government and uttered sighs of relief that we lived in the United States.
There was racism and inequality. Yet in comparison to what was happening in Mexico or what we thought was happening there, U.S. institutions appeared to be free of corruption. This was true as long as we did not read the newspapers – the radio did not carry that kind of news.
Even when it came to the sex lives of elected officials, we believed that the Mexicans were the only ones who cheated on their wives.
That is not true today. The lives of our elected officials are soap operas. The affairs of past Mexican presidents are boring in comparison to the Anglo-American versions.
My grandfather, more cynical than the rest of the family, would often correct us about our misconceptions. He would say that the gringos always did things on a grander scale. They did not take small bribes. It was only the public officials at the bottom who were regulated.
What we did not know was that what those on the top stole affected us; we just did not see it. We lived in another universe.
Thanks to cable news or better still, cable opinion, we know corruption is ubiquitous – it is at the federal, state and local levels. So much so that it seems as if all elected officials are corrupt. I would not call them whores because I don’t want to give the word a bad name.
You look at the Republican and a majority of the Democrats in Congress and they are bought – pure and simple. The entire state of Arizona has been purchased. Lady Justice is dead.
Talking to my students in general they are cynical about the courts. It was once evident that justice depended on the size of your wallet. The rich could hire rich attorneys and get away with murder. The poor especially if they were minorities were left at the whim of the court.
The Supreme Court is currently listening to arguments in Arizona’s anti-immigrant legislation. If the Court rules for Arizona the decision will give legs to every racist legislator in the nation who will repeat that it (racism) is the law of the land.
They can say whatever they want but that does not make it right or less corrupt. Only the most naive and ill-informed person would make the case that Justices Samuel A. Alito, Clarence Thomas, Antonin Scalia, and John Roberts are not corrupt. Well documented articles prove the same. Thomas and Scalia have family members who are feeding at the corporate trough.
I do not want to call these justices partisan – it would be giving partisanship a bad name.
Frankly, we are not going to be able to do much about Gore v. Bush (2000) that gave George W. the presidency. At the time we shrugged our shoulders and the Democrats rolled over. In Citizens United (2010), the Court delivered the presidency to corporate interests.
Now healthcare will probably be dismantled and the anti-immigrant legislation will be upheld. Racism will be legal in the United States.
When and if this happens the moral authority of the Court will be irreparable. The Supreme Court might as well be honest and set up shop on K Street.
I don’t want to sound cynical but the worst thing that could happen to you when I was growing up was que te vieran la cara de pendejo(literally meaning that they took you for a fool or a punk).
Six degrees of separation is the notion that everyone on earth is on average approximately six steps away from any other person. If this is so, we should accept that only one degree separates our justices from the Mexican border guard and his grubby mordida (kickback).
My grandfather was right – the border guard took five pesos. Our elected officials are higher paid (escorts). Who does more damage to democracy?
RODOLFO ACUÑA, a professor emeritus at California State University Northridge, has published 20 books and over 200 public and scholarly articles. He is the founding chair of the first Chicano Studies Dept which today offers 166 sections per semester in Chicano Studies. His history book Occupied America has been banned in Arizona. In solidarity with Mexican Americans in Tucson, he has organized fundraisers and support groups to ground zero and written over two dozen articles exposing efforts there to nullify the U.S. Constitution. 

Tuesday, May 1, 2012




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Albert R. Parsons





The life of Lucy Parsons and the struggles for peace and justice she engaged provide remarkable insight about the history of the American labor movement and the anarchist struggles of the time. Born in Texas, 1853, probably as a slave, Lucy Parsons was an African-, Native- and Mexican-American anarchist labor activist who fought against the injustices of poverty, racism, capitalism and the state her entire life. After moving to Chicago with her husband, Albert, in 1873, she began organizing workers and led thousands of them out on strike protesting poor working conditions, long hours and abuses of capitalism. After Albert, along with seven other anarchists, were eventually imprisoned or hung by the state for their beliefs in anarchism, Lucy Parsons achieved international fame in their defense and as a powerful orator and activist in her own right. The impact of Lucy Parsons on the history of the American anarchist and labor movements has served as an inspiration spanning now three centuries of social movements.
While most people remember Lucy Parsons in relation to the events surrounding her husband, Albert Parsons, and their comrades' executions (known as the Haymarket affair), Lucy's own legacy and passions have a long and courageous life history all their own. Lucy was known for her writings, her courage as a dissident woman of color, her unbending commitment to social justice, and, most of all, her powerful, fiery public speeches. She led tens of thousands of workers into the streets in mass protests, drew enormous crowds wherever she spoke and was considered a dangerous, explosive and robust threat to authorities across the United States. For over 30 years her lectures were shut down by the police, often arresting her before she ever reached the podium. Hearing Lucy speak at all was a rare opportunity that sparked a passion for rebellion in working and poor people from coast to coast. The Chicago police labeled Lucy Parsons "more dangerous than a thousand rioters."
Lucy made her living as a dress maker, spending the remainder of her time raising her 2 children and constantly working on behalf of a plethora of social justice causes. Much of her time was devoted to free speech fights by default, as her own ability to speak, like her executed husband, was always at stake. She also dedicated herself to the struggles of African-Americans, as in the case of the Scottsboro Eight in Alabama, and wrote articles condemning lynchings in the south. As a woman of color standing up during times of extreme racism and gender oppression, she earned the mark of a prominent feminist and early civil rights pioneer. Her later work included defense of other anarchists and labor activists on trial for false charges, such as Sacco and Vanzetti and Tom Mooney and Warren Billings. Lucy spent her later years working with the International Labor Defense (a broad-based, but communist-founded, class war prisoners' support group, which has led to a historic fallacy that Lucy was a member of the Communist Party - she was not) and speaking at May Day events and rallies.
Lucy's biggest commitment as an activist was always with the anarchist labor movement, as she spent most of her energy engaging in anarcho-syndicalist struggles against capitalism and employers. Her outlook was grounded firmly in class analysis, and believed that issues such as racism were primarily the product of class inequalities. Alongside militant anarchist labor activists of the day she believed superficial divisions among workers must be put aside so that workers around the world could join together, strike and overthrow their corporate, and thus government, masters. Lucy was a member of the Knights of Labor, one of the first serious labor federations in the country, and a founding member of the International Working People's Association, an early anarcho-syndicalist labor organization. In 1905 she helped found the Industrial Workers of the World, which advanced some of the basic ideas of the IWPA, expanded them and led a wave of massive strikes and labor actions for decades.
Lucy Parsons' commitment to her causes, her fame surrounding the Haymarket affair, and her powerful orations had an enormous influence in world history in general and US labor history in particular. While today she is hardly remembered and ignored by conventional histories of the United States, the legacy of her struggles and her influence within these movements have left a trail of inspiration and passion that merits further attention by all those interested in human freedom, equality and social justice.

Friday, April 27, 2012


HUELGA HISTÓRICA QUE 'DEVORARÁ' EE. UU.: 115 CIUDADES PARALIZARÁN EL PAÍS EL 1 DE MAYO

Publicado: 22 abr 2012 | 13:20 MSK

Por primera vez en la historia de EE. UU., miles de trabajadores, estudiantes, inmigrantes y desempleados de más de 115 ciudades por todo el país participarán en la huelga nacional convocada para el 1 de mayo para enfrentarse juntos al sistema ‘corrompido hasta la médula’ y la injusticia económico-social que vive el país norteamericano.
Mientras que los medios estadounidenses se han centrado en lasbatallas preelectorales, el mayor incordio para las grandes corporaciones internacionales y el Gobierno de EE. UU., el movimiento 'Ocupa Wall Street', sigue ampliando la lista de las ciudades que buscan lanzar su voz el Día Internacional del Trabajo "en un acto de solidaridad del 99% de la población global en su lucha contra el 1% de los más ricos y poderosos".
Huelga nacional con reto global
Los participantes, que instan a todos a ausentarse ese día (que en EE. UU. no es festivo) de sus puestos de trabajo y de los estudios para que su ausencia haga saber a un sistema corrupto que están descontentos con lo que está sucediendo, prometen no simplemente paralizar todo EE. UU., sino intentar convertir la huelga en el acto global.
"Si es miembro de un sindicato, puede declararse en huelga oficialmente. Pero si no lo es, póngase 'enfermo' o tómese vacaciones”, recomiendan los activistas, apuntando que cualquiera puede unirse a la acción.
Los ‘indignados’, apoyados por los piratas informáticos más famosos del mundo Anonymous, subrayan que el 1 de mayo es un día perfecto para protestar contra la corrupción del mercado global, que aumentó el desempleo, los bajos salarios, elevó los impuestos y la pauperización del 99% de la población que no cuenta con la mayor parte de los recursos mundiales.
Aparte de EE. UU., la huelga global prevista ya cuenta con la participación de varias ciudades mundiales, entre las cuales se encuentran Londres (Reino Unido), Melbourne y Sidney (Australia), Ottawa y Toronto (Canadá) y Seúl (Corea del Sur).
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Monday, April 23, 2012


Más de 115 ciudades de EE.UU. participarán en una huelga el 1 de mayo próximo

Miles de trabajadores, estudiantes, inmigrantes y desempleados de más de 115 ciudades de Estados Unidos participarán el próximo 1 de mayo en una huelga histórica, para protestar contra la corrupción y la desigualdad económica y social que afecta al pueblo estadounidense.
La huelga que ha sido convocada por el movimiento Ocupa Wall Street y que recibirá el apoyo de los piratas informáticos más famosos del mundo, Anonymous, ha sido definida como “un acto de solidaridad del 99 por ciento de la población global en su lucha contra el 1 por ciento de los más ricos y poderosos”.
Los Ocupa han prometido no solamente paralizar todo Estados Unidos, sino intentar convertir la huelga en un acto global, para hacer saber “al sistema corrupto que estamos descontentos con lo que está sucediendo”, agregaron.
“Si es miembro de un sindicato, puede declararse en huelga oficialmente. Pero si no lo es, póngase ‘enfermo’ o tómese vacaciones”, recomendaron los activistas, apuntando que cualquiera puede unirse a la acción.
La huelga prevista para el próximo 1 de mayo contará también con la participación de varias ciudades mundiales entre ellas: Londres (Reino Unido), Melbourne y Sidney (Australia), Ottawa y Toronto (Canadá) y Seúl (Corea del Sur).
El 1 de mayo, Día Internacional del Trabajo, “es un día perfecto para protestar contra la corrupción del mercado global, que aumentó el desempleo, los bajos salarios, elevó los impuestos y la pauperización del 99 por ciento de la población, que no cuenta con la mayor parte de los recursos mundiales”, manifestó el movimiento Ocupa Wall Street.
También informó que otro de los propósitos de la huelga del 01 de mayo es destacar la contribución de los inmigrantes a Estados Unidos, además defender sus derechos civiles.
De acuerdo con Hanilee Ramos, representante del movimiento Coalición 1 de Mayo, esta fecha fue adoptada por los inmigrantes en Estados Unidos, por lo que la conmemoración debe unir a esa comunidad con el movimiento laboral organizado.
Está previsto que diversos sindicatos y grupos de trabajadores marchen ese día por Nueva York (noreste del país), ciudad que el 17 de septiembre de 2011 vio emerger al movimiento, cuya brújula apunta a denunciar el poder desmedido alcanzado por bancos y corporaciones.
teleSUR-RT/kg – FC

Tuesday, April 3, 2012

Peoples Movement Assembly...a process for mass organizing

Peoples Movement Assembly...a process for mass organizing
rubensolisgarcia
1.2012

For us at Southwest Workers Union, the PMA grew embryonically at the time of 1990-92 with the crystalizing into reality of the SW Network for Environmental & Economic Justice (SNEEJ) in 1992. The moment coincided with the formation and organization of the North America Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The formation of the network was a culmination of a vision that came out of the 'Mango Lane' discussions center on the status of the Chican@ movement in 1979. The vision centered on the geo-political lands of the southwest United States, Indigenous sovereignty, The illegal US-Mexico border line and its militarization, environmental and other forms of racism, and the NAFTA as a neo-liberal program to further dislocate communities of people turning them into migrants, youth power and movement building, and cross-border organizing on all northern Mexico border states and all southwest US border states. Nearly a hundred grassroots, from small to large, organizations formed the power base of SNEEJ headquartered in Albuquerque, NM and hosted initially by SWOP (SW Organizing Project-Jeanne Gauna) and headed by Richard Moore. Twenty two organizations founded the SNEEJ in its first Assembly (PMA) in April 1992.

SNEEJ took on the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and other state agencies for their environmental racism policies and practices, and the other front of struggle was for border justice in the fight against NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement). In the Environmental Racism front of struggle the process led up to the First National people of Color EJ Leadership Summit. The Summit in many ways was the early development of the United States Social Forum we just did not know it. Why did we not have that clarity of future forecast to know where the mass movement organizing process was taking us? The other development was on the bi-national US-Mexico border region that we broke up into parallel bi-national corridors: Pacific; Arisonora; Chihuahua desert; cuahuiltejas; and gulf coast. The bi-national assemblies organized along the border states begin to take shape more a social movement assemblies and less and less training workshops as they were called then. The methodology for facilitation started to look more and more a facilitated assembly process with full participation of all equally, and less of a trainer of trainers model being used at the time. The bi-national corridor social movement assemblies begin to analyze and develop transnational organizing strategies and moreover a geo-political against neo-liberalism rising from the grassroots experience and putting a human face to globalization. It was this experience on the ground that led SNEEJ and others to participate in the 1999 World Trade organization (WTO) meeting in Seattle, Washington. Later between 2001-2006 SNEEJ organized, mobilized and coordinated simultaneous international bridge 'occupations' in as many as five major points on the US-Mexico borders. Each bridge blockage saw as many as 1,500 people and the small occupations at 300-500. People came from either side of the US-Mexico borders, did the day long march and occupation of the international bridges, and then gathered to hold a bi-national social movements assemblies by bi-national corridors. Occupations were happening in Mexico, in Oaxaca with the teachers' union and later the community uprising, based on the concept of occupation and peoples movement assemblies. The International gatherings against the Free Trade Areas of the Americas (FTAA) were happening in La Habana, Cuba and the World Social Forum (2001) and the Americas Social Forum in 2004. The Continental Assembly of Social movements became one of the main vehicles used to mobilize in all countries in the global south and north and it defeated the FTAA in Mar de Plata, Agentina.

The Battle of Seattle against that shut down the WTO was a turning point not only nationally in the Untied States but internationally as well. The organizing in Brazil took off after Seattle on the road to the first ever World Social Forum. A new way of organizing was growing in social movements and not by political parties and affiliation. Social movements immediately carved a space at the first WSF in the organizing of an action space to accompany the open space of the principles of the WSF. The Social Movements Assembly took place after the WSF. At the time the Social Movements Assembly was not seen as part of the Social Forum process.

In the process of landing global justice and the social forum process in the United States, after Seattle and through the 9-11 days and its repressive aftermath 2003 was the turn around of the lost ground by the global & social justice movements and in June 2003 at the gathering of the Jobs with Justice national network in Miami served as the backdrop the the meeting of the International Council of the World Social Forum process, where grassroots global justice presented the proposal for a first ever US Social Forum. Later that year Miami was site of the FTAA summit and the Roots Cause March by Coalition of Immokalee workers; Power U and Miami Workers Center. The important of this moment and march was the crystallization of the global social justice movement in the United States. The battle against WTO in Cancun also took place that year. It was a watershed moment for social movement building in the global south & north.

After the national consulta in April 2004 in DC, the 20-40 representatives agreed that there was a need for a Social Forum in the US and that they were committed to working towards the organizing of the first ever US Social Forum. At the national consulta meeting it was decided GGJA should 'Shepard' the USSF process. Two US Social Forums later, after Atlanta in 2007 and Detroit in 2011, the social movements have grown geometrically both in breath and depth. By this I mean that one PMA blossomed into dozens of PMA's organized by the participants of that first PMA. The PMA grew out of the Southeast Social Forum in Raleigh-Durham in June 2006, held the first assembly entitled: Black & Brown Dialogues for alliance building. More than 200-300 people participated in that dialogue representing social movements mainly in the South and the Southwest United States. The next PMA took place in Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua Mexico twin city with El Paso, Texas on the Texas-Mexico border. The Border Social Forum was held there in October 2006, with 1,000 people participating in the social movement assembly that read a synthesis statement at the end of the PMA. Next in the PMA process and trajectory was the USSF I in Atlanta had an estimated 2,000 people at the PMA for two hours on a Sunday morning. The PMA there read over 50 resolutions presented by grassroots social movements organizations for approval of the general assembly of delegates. All the PMA experiences led the working group and the co chairs of the PMA process associated with the National Planning Committee of the USSF, to organize a series of 40 PMA's before the USSF II in Detroit, 54 PMA's were held during the USSF II, and after where now numerous PMA's have been organized and held with great successes as other PMA's are in the process of happening. In the USSF I and USSF II, Freedom Caravans were organized from the Southwest, South and other regions and we defined as 'traveling PMA's'. The Freedom Caravans carried hundreds of activists and stopped at dozens of cities, organized actions and build relations on the way to Atlanta and then later to Detroit.

The PMA experience at the USSF II in Detroit culminated in several critical accomplishments and social movement impact. The best case study for this impact on the social movement can be seen in the Detroit experience. While at the beginning, the Detroit groups were working separately, through the implementation and holding PMA's they have achieved a unified movement, making the USSF II a transformative moment. By this time the PMA had realized over 200 PMA's in all parts and regions of the United States. At the USSF II the PMA process organized the ASSEMBLY OF ASSEMBLIES. It is a body of representative organizations from all or most of the PMA's (54) that took place during the USSF II. It was the Assembly of Assemblies that drew the 'Fronts of Struggle' coming out of the thematic tracks established for USSF II. It was this A of A that synthesized the outcomes of each PMA and each front of struggle. It was then the Synthesis Commission that took all the input and documentation from the A of A to come out with the PMA synthesis statement that was read and approved at the National PMA that ended the USSF II in Detroit.

The PMA co-chairs organized a PMA gathering post-USSF II in Atlanta in february 2011 to synthesize the PMA experience and trajectory and define the future of the PMA process. Springing from that meeting it affirmed the co-chair model of coordination and the need for a core group (for coordination purposes) of the PMA and the continuity to the Assembly of Assemblies group. So, today following up on consolidating the PMA process, a national meeting has been called and organized including the Assembly of Assemblies group, the core group, and the co chairs. The meeting will take place in Atlanta on March 22-25, 2012 to plot the direction and plan of action for the PMA in 2012-2014.

One key question for the PMA is how to build and hold power at the grassroots community level. How do we build alternative communities based on community governance. Community governance is simply self-help development, decision making and in a word self- determination. Another challenge is how does the PMA hold and accumulate knowledge, share knowledge, create emulation not competition, within the social movement mass movement building process. How do we prevent co-optation of community power, leadership, and movement by the political parties in view of the upcoming Presidential elections (see paper on elections). Finally how does the social movement and the PMA as a vehicle develop and build another world now, possible only by building an other United States immediately. What form, approach, methodology and shape does this process take? How do we build and create identity within and between independent communities. How do we shape a new governance for the 21st Century as social movements.


Thursday, March 22, 2012

Republican Primary Poses Challenge to Puerto Rico

Maritza Stanchich, Ph.D.

GET UPDATES FROM MARITZA STANCHICH, PH.D.
 

Republican Primary Poses Challenge to Puerto Rico as 51st State

Posted: 03/22/2012 1:19 pm

Even had Rick Santorum clipped his s's in perfect Caribbean Spanish, the message would still have burst the bubble of statehood leaders in Puerto Rico, a U.S. territory of nearly four million U.S. citizens gearing up for a status plebiscite in November. To their dismay, while Santorum campaigned last week for the Republican primary in Puerto Rico, he expressed that English should be universally spoken, and the upcoming plebiscite should garner more than a simple majority vote of 51 percent, as conditions for statehood. 

In the immediate aftermath, Santorum began to retract and recognized that full bilingualism is not legally required though he advocates English as a "language of opportunity." The statement was in keeping with positions from Pro English, U.S. English and Tea Party movements, whose leaders implored him to pronounce on the issue as he headed into Puerto Rico's contest for 23 delegates last week, beaming from Bible Belt wins in Alabama and Mississippi. 

Puerto Rico, however, cannot participate in general elections.

Santorum's position was a blow for a statehood movement that for decades has touted "la estadidad jíbara," where jíbaro is the traditional peasant and also iconic symbol of the competing Partido Popular Democrático, which is pro status quo for a commonwealth freely associated with the United States. Bilingualism in Puerto Rico is reported at 19 percent and the option for statehood has never reached 50 percent in four previous status referendums held since 1967. 

Ironically, many local leaders of the pro statehood party, the Partido Nuevo Progresista, don't speak much English. The state legislature's house speaker, Jenniffer González, also a Republican, pointed out that English wasn't required for island Puerto Ricans to serve in every U.S. war since World War I, with more having served in Iraq than from 23 other states.

The irony compounds. Independence leaders of the small Partido Independentista Puertorriqueño, who are known to speak English eloquently, remained mum. Santorum's insistence on English recalls official U.S. policy for the first half of the 20th century when English was imposed in Puerto Rico as a language of instruction in all subjects in all public schools. To this day, "high school" is as likely to be called "la high" as colegio or escuela secundaria. Yet Spanish remains the bulwark of cultural identity here.

Santorum presumably came to Puerto Rico to vie for its 23 delegates -- more than eight other states, and many more than the four other U.S. territories of American Samoa, Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands, and the U.S. Virgin Islands, which all also hosted Republican primaries last week. 

Romney didn't approach Puerto Rico with much more strategic sensitivity, having recently criticized Santorum's support for Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor, offending Puerto Ricans as well as Latina women everywhere. Her appointment will likely help President Obama with the coveted 45 percent of the Latino vote needed to win the White House come November. 

A group of about 50 youth activists of the pro Commonwealth party brandished signs emblazonedSotomayor ¡Sí! Romney Fortuño ¡No! during Friday afternoon rush hour at a key intersection near the Puente Dos Hermanos to Condado.

Though Romney won Puerto Rico's delegates, neither he nor other candidates tallied any points with Latinos stateside, as President Obama attempted to do with a brief visit to Puerto Rico in June, the first time a U.S. president had done so since John F. Kennedy fifty years ago. 

Santorum's English admonition fell flat in a United States that has fast become the second largest Spanish speaking country in the world, in keeping with its linguistically diverse history. Now Santorum ads are touting his English stance in Puerto Rico to portray Romney as a flip flopper, as the race moved on from Illinois to Louisiana.

"It sounded as if Santorum came to Puerto Rico to pander to his right wing constituents at home," said the Rev. Dr. Samuel Cruz of Trinity Lutheran Church in Brooklyn. 

The Republican Party may have yet more uses for Puerto Rico. Also last week, CNN's Wolf Blitzer interviewed Puerto Rico Gov. Luis Fortuño as a potential vice presidential candidate for the GOP ticket, ostensibly to shore up weak support from Latino voters. Puerto Ricans are best poised to recognize such a ploy, considering how much Fortuño's support on the island has eroded as Puerto Rico's worst crisis since the 1930s deepens, with 16 percent unemployment, record murder rates, and a historic exodus of professionals. A financial analyst for Reuters dubbed Puerto Rico "America's Greece" in a recent column that drew sharp local reaction.

"Why would a governor whose administration is a failure qualify to be vice president?" said Yaritza Pabón, a small business owner, after stopping her bicycle to take a breather near El Morro in Old San Juan.

The vast majority interviewed said they resented being asked to vote in the Republican primary when they cannot vote in the general election. 

"Even if I could vote in the general election, I wouldn't want to vote in an election that is not in my country," said a pretty, 20-something tennis player who declined to be identified.

"We have our own parties and a different political party system," said long-time independence supporter Rubén Soto Falcón. "Both U.S. parties have no social base here, the primaries are more of a private club for an exclusive sector," he added. Indeed a national delegate for the Republican primary is Zoraida Fonalleda, from one of Puerto Rico's wealthiest families, owners of Plaza Las Americas, one of the most successful shopping malls in the United States. Meanwhile, Puerto Rico's nearly 46 percent poverty rate is more than double that of the poorest state, Mississippi.

Others justified sitting it out with indifferent cynicism.

"Santorum who?" retorted only half jokingly Pedro Torres Navarro, a humanities professor at the Conservatory of Music with an adorable shitsu-poodle puppy he has named Davinci "because Leonardo da Vinci didn't speak English." 

"Ni fu, ni fa," said artist Jorge Sierra, shrugging his shoulders with a neither-here-nor-there expression suggesting he could care less.